I'll believe it when I see it.
The 149 would be medium tac helo, and the minimum of 100 number comes from the original Griffon fleet. Maritime and SAR would be done by the 101, the latter it already does as the CH-149 Cormorant.To be clear I think the 149 could work. But traditionally, we've had medium-heavy helos for maritime and SAR. And those are the driving requirements. Any transport helicopter requirement in a combined scenario will be downstream of that. Not sure where the 149 lines up in the maritime and SAR role. But if it can work, then it could well be the choice. I wouldn't change numbers too much for TH either.
I don't agree with that statement. The army maintained a primary mission with 4 CMBG as part of NATO in Germany and the the three Canadian combat groups and airborne regiment were aimed towards 1) force generating individual replacements for 4 CMBG and 2) defence of Canada.“The other thing a lot of people don’t realize is that one of the policy decisions of the (Pierre) Trudeau government, which in hindsight was a big mistake, was to change the primary mission of the Armed Forces from one of defending Canadian sovereignty to being one of a more like an internal security force.”
Agreed. In the days of Hueys and Voyagers, we trained often with helicopters and, quite frankly at the sub-unit level its pretty easy to teach the fundamental drills and procedures. Planning air mobile missions and the sustainment of them at the unit and above level is different and needs a good understanding of what is within the realm of the possible.I doubt we need bespoke units. We need capabilities, with soldiers trained to use them. What I mean is that we don't need soldiers with specialized training for opposed landings under fire unless we are prepared to risk them and prepared to do so on a scale that matters. That leaves capabilities for moving people by air and across beaches mostly unopposed during initial entry. Somewhere between "leg infantry" and "air assault", for example, there is "infantry capable of working with aviation".
The analysis has been done - at least when NATO could rely on the US. The thing that was needed was manoeuvre brigades and specifically armoured brigades. Fire support and sustainment had been undervalued and also relied heavily on American combat support and combat service support brigades. In short, all three classes are needed.There are a couple of reasons for Canada to have an armoured brigade.
The first is conditional. I'll assume our top-ranked scenarios leading to war all involve NATO. What is the mix of armoured and infantry brigades across NATO? If the alliance is a bit short on armoured formations, a Canadian contribution would be useful. This analysis should also be applied to artillery (shorthand for all things fire support) formations attached to echelons corps and above. Maybe we should also be able to contribute the modern equivalent of an AGRA, no matter how few divisions we have right now.
I agree with the basic premise that if we don't do Europe we don't need a big (or even moderate) mechanized army. We will, however, need a different type of army for the security of Canada's territorial integrity - everything from air transportable assault to air defence to ground based anti-ship capabilities to augment our very limited air and sea resources.The second is absolute. If we don't attempt to maintain the capabilities essential to running at least an armoured brigade, perhaps we ought to get out of the land game entirely. Either-or. The same applies to all the formation and major unit components of a division, really - mechanized brigade, artillery brigade, engineers, CSS, etc.
I'm quite flexible on force structure although my optimum scenario continues to use the existing army as the baseline. I think we ought to be able to comfortably commit a two brigade armoured division to Europe with its equipment forward deployed together with the equivalent of an armoured battle group with a slice of combat and combat service support. The rest is fly over. I can see one RegF brigade in Canada as the core to sustain that and to be the roto 0 flyover force. I see a second, light brigade totally focused on Canada. And I see a third RegF brigade broken up to be the leadership and training cadre for a minimum of four (3 armd/mech, 1 light, fully equipped) 30/70 to 20/80 reserve brigades and 200% of the CS and CSS needed in Europe to a) round out roto 0 with another brigade and CS and CSS; b) be the FG base for all rotos >0; and c) be the core for the growth of the army beyond its pre hostilities size.I reiterate that the minimum balance of armour required for an armoured brigade and armoured division are probably* the same: two armoured units in one brigade. That's all. Everything else is about stuff to support the operations and movement (tactical and operational) of an armoured formation. That includes a lot of infantry (preferably two brigades), appropriately equipped.
*based on historical observation, subject to ongoing operational analysis and validation
The 149 would be medium tac helo, and the minimum of 100 number comes from the original Griffon fleet.
Maritime and SAR would be done by the 101, the latter it already does as the CH-149 Cormorant.
The 101 is big, has three engines instead of a twin pack. The maritime version is listed as carrying 26 troops seated or 38 standing, or four stretchers, and the transport version is listed at 30 troops seated or 45 standing, or 16 stretchers.
Also, C-27 Spartan to replace the Kingfisher.
C27 lost for good reason to the kingfisherAlso, C-27 Spartan to replace the Kingfisher.
Because Airbus was the right company with the wrong product, and the specifications were lowered until the Kingfisher passed.C27 lost for good reason to the kingfisher
more likely the specifications were changed because we keep catching the CAF tailoring requirements to angle towards a clear choice they want, and to make it a fair competition and avoid law suits we had to change the requirements.Because Airbus was the right company with the wrong product, and the specifications were lowered until the Kingfisher passed.
more likely the specifications were changed because we keep catching the CAF tailoring requirements to angle towards a clear choice they want, and to make it a fair competition and avoid law suits we had to change the requirements.
The AOPS and MCDV's dont support Cyclone operations though?Close. But a real frustration has been how much we've skimped and lost organizational efficiency with the helo fleets.
We have 25 Cyclones right now. Those basically support 12 frigates, 6 AOPS and 12 MCDVs. We should be closer to 1:1 between ships and helicopters. And there needs to be enough to fill the maintenance pipeline and an attrition reserve.
The AOPS and MCDV's dont support Cyclone operations though?
35 was the original MH number i think
C17 was ACAN, not sole source.
The Trumpian view of Europe and its relevance to the United States is no longer shrouded in hope and uncertainty. The question is how far America First policies will raise the metaphorical drawbridge over the Atlantic. While everyone wants the US to remain an integral part of Nato, Europe would be wise to act proactively now.
It is possible that the Trump peace plan for Ukraine will come at great cost to Ukraine. Russia may make few concessions to guarantee a lasting settlement. Europe will probably be forced to become the de facto guardian of Ukraine’s future as America cuts its military responsibilities and guarantees, in the belief that American investment in developing Ukraine’s minerals will suffice to deter Russia. The crucial question is – what happens when or if Russia continues its aggression.
What could be the most effective and least costly option?
Based on a multi-dimensional geopolitical and military analysis, our proposed option is a modified form of the so-called “Porcupine Defence” underwritten by a combined and re-tailored British-French nuclear deterrent for Europe as suggested by French President Emmanuel Macron. This strategy exploits Europe’s dramatic advantages in population size, GDP and conventional military forces and faces up to Russia’s a significant lead in theatre nuclear weapons. A Porcupine Defence could be fielded within 3-5 years with an affordable increase of 0.5 to 1 per cent of GDP in defence spending.
The aim of this Porcupine Defence is to guarantee such disruption and damage on any Russian military thrust west as to make aggression too expensive to contemplate. The Ukraine War has showed how Porcupine would work. And Europe surely has the resources and technology for this defence.
Russia has exhausted an overwhelming preponderance of its offensive military power in Ukraine. The US took more than a decade to recover from the post-Vietnam “hollow force”: for Moscow, it would probably take 5-7 years or more to rebuild its army. Europe has time to implement a Porcupine Defence, if it starts now.
Porcupine would be deployed to cover the four most likely axes of advance for any Russian attack: the North Cape and Kola; the Baltics, St Petersburg and Kaliningrad; the south-centre oriented around Poland; and the Turkish straits blocking the Black Sea. The defence would be anchored around a willing coalition of Nato and EU states to include Norway, Sweden and Finland in the north; the Baltics, Denmark, Germany, and Holland; Poland and the Czech Republic in the south centre; and Greece, Turkey, Romania and Bulgaria on the Black Sea. The UK and France could provide mobile reserve forces held in depth.
The technologies are well known and based on massive swarms of air, sea and land drones; AI, command, computer, communications, surveillance, targeting, decision-making and control systems; land and sea mines; anti-air, land and sea stand-off weapons; electronics, jamming and counter-jamming systems; reserve low earth orbiter satellites; 3D printing and advanced and additive manufacturing logistics and other related systems. Sufficient long range firepower for follow on forces attack/deep strike will disrupt enemy logistics and decapitate senior leaders.
Porcupine will require skilful and rapid innovation, meaning decentralisation of command and control and major reorganisation and training to ensure its military effectiveness. This will be challenging in the short term but it is achievable and the operational benefits will be huge. The obvious strategic weakness of Porcupine is if the war is not short: the Anglo-French nuclear deterrent covers that contingency.
The USSR and Russia have been and are paranoid about nuclear weapons, the ultimate war winners or losers in their concept and doctrine for war. Along with the threat of nuclear weapons’ use is the will to use them. Interestingly, UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s determination to retake the Falklands after Argentina’s 1982 invasion heavily influenced Moscow’s nuclear paranoia. That fear still lingers.
If Russia moved west and did somehow manage to break through the defences, facing an existential danger Britain and France could target Moscow and St Petersburg with dozens of weapons as well as the attacking forces. Beyond a natural reluctance to take such a risk, Russia would understand that any massive retaliation would leave America’s 1550 nuclear warheads along with China’s as controlling the future strategic balance to Russia’s disadvantage, thus further reinforcing deterrence.
Whether or not the current trajectory of Trump’s America First policies forces Europe to reconsider its security and defence, prudence demands that preliminary action be taken to begin planning for this future now. Europe simply cannot wait. And we believe that a Porcupine Defence will best fit European and alliance needs to keep the peace.
General The Lord David Richards is a former Chief of Defence Staff – the professional head of the UK armed forces. Dr Harlan Ullman, a noted defence expert, has advised a number of governments and ministries of defence on these issues