The Return of Mr. Dithers?
I suppose you could consider it a sign of desperation on the part of long-time Liberals unimpressed with either Bob or Iggy. Sheila Copps officially assumes “old fogey” status in this week’s Hill Times, by suggesting that the time might be right for Paul Martin to come back:
Some Grits think Martin’s Bay Street cred is just what the country needs in uncertain times, and they are quietly exploring a “Draft Martin” movement. The former prime minister’s key organizers are sprinkled among all camps in the current leadership race , , ,
Some Martinites are quietly hoping the current leadership campaign may falter for lack of public interest. They envision the party rallying to the former finance minister to save the day and deliver the “natural governing party” back where it belongs, in power . . .
But those dreaming of a comeback would be wise to remember that Martin lost the government because of his scorched-earth policy toward Liberals. Any sitting Member of Parliament not sufficiently supportive was red-circled for replacement by a Martin ally.
All in all, Martin targeted about 30 ridings across the country where his supporters replaced long-time Liberals in bitter nomination fights (present company included). In the end, it was internal cannibalism that actually cost Paul Martin his job. Had the former prime minister been open to the full range of Liberal views, Martin may still be governing today.
This screed reminds me a bit of those scholars studying the U.S. Civil War, arguing over which Southern general or politician was responsible for losing the Confederacy, forever surprised by the riposte that “the Yankees had something to do with it.” Alienating supporters of Chrétien (which is what Ms. Copps actually means by “full range of Liberal views”) ignores the fact that Stephen Harper and the Tories ran a much more disciplined, and focused, campaign. Not to mention the fact that Martin’s strategies kept collapsing on him.
The problem with Ms. Copps’ notion, from a Liberal standpoint, isn’t that Mr. Martin is interested in coming back. (From all accounts and interviews, he’s having a better time as an Aboriginal activist than as PM.) The problem is that it highlights the arrogance and attitudes of those old-timer establishment Liberals who think loyalty is stronger than competition. They’re still looking at the past, and that risks putting the Party as a whole out of the running for the future.
recceguy said:I'd love to see Bob Rae win also. That would be the straw that finally breaks the lieberal lock on Ontario. He hasn't faded from memory enough here for people to forget how he ran Bantario into the ground. I dare say Harper would end up with a strong majority running off against this fiscally incompetent boob. I can hear the rally cry now:
"Ontario isn't special! Rae days for the whole country!"
Don Martin: The advantage of being a lousy premier
Posted: November 20, 2008, 7:01 PM by Kelly McParland
The chutzpa of his campaign launch was breathtaking.
The way Liberal MP Bob Rae argues it, his spectacular botching of economic policy as Ontario’s premier during the 1990s recession is an asset in his bid to become the next Liberal leader.
Electing someone inexperienced in the ways of worsening a recession, the Toronto MP warns in this odd lemonade-from-lemons squeeze play, would be risky lest they repeat his public purse spending spree as the fast route to exacerbating the crisis.
In other words, Rae infers, the fact that leadership rival Michael Ignatieff was lounging around London writing novels and airing lofty BBC documentaries during the last Ontario slump puts him a competitive disadvantage.
As bizarre as it sounds, there was really no other survival strategy in a scenario lurching toward hopeless for Bob Rae, the third and likely final candidate for a Liberal leadership that will be decided next May.
This leadership contest is different from the 2006 prosperity-era showdown against Mr. Ignatieff. Now the all-consuming focus of debate is on anything economic. As the downturn edges closer to home, it brings Mr. Rae’s notoriously lousy one-term performance as premier into sharp focus for easy attack by his opponents.
The best Mr. Rae can hope for now is that people will accept he publicly lived an ugly economics lesson and will avoid repeating the mistakes that quickly ballooned into a notorious $10-billion annual deficit.
The slightly unnerving angle is that Rae never actually admitted to making mistakes during his campaign launch news conference on Thursday.
When pressed, his bright blue eyes widened for a bit, almost as if he was reliving the horror of those awful premier days in his head. The speed was the big shock, he admitted. When the collapse came, it hit almost overnight and spiralled government revenue into a freefall.
The best person to appreciate the inconvenient truth of that statement is obviously Prime Minister Stephen Harper, the leader now frozen in wide-eyed surprise at his government’s sudden reversal of fortunes.
So unprepared were the Conservatives for the onset of hard times, their own budgetary officer pins the looming deficit on the government’s reckless tax cuts and recent spending boosts.
Yet press Mr. Rae on a fairly straightforward point - does he favor or oppose a bailout for the auto sector? - and you get a five-minute rambling response that ducks a definitive position. Try it again and nouns, verbs and adjectives gush forth in a nice-sounding cascade that still stops short of a coherent answer.
Perhaps that speaks to Rae’s reputation as the MP who says nothing better than anybody else.
When longshots from the 2006 race sounded him out to see if he was worth supporting should their candidacies falter, they were struck by his lack of a grand vision for the country and his party. At least one candidate confides that Rae’s chronic evasiveness was their reason for supporting Stephane Dion.
But all is not completely lost for Bob Rae, even though his modest caucus support suggests he’s running in second place behind Mr. Ignatieff.
He’s bang-on in scoping the multitude of problems confronting his adopted party. The Liberals are a mess - starved of funds, hemmorhaging members, losing youth, shedding entire regions of support and technologically backward.
His idea of giving away memberships, now a token $20 fee, is interesting. I’d argue that’s basically what they’re worth so long as that the Liberals refuse to adopt a one-member, one-vote process for the party leadership. It also seems bizarre for a party mired in debt to give up the hefty chunk of annual membership cash. But at least it’s a new way to recruit Liberals in a sleepy race already in rerun.
Bob Rae concludes he’s “very popular in the province of Ontario”, noting he’s often summoned to raise funds or shake hands at local riding functions.
Yet despite dignified roles presided over studies in tainted blood, post-secondary education and the merits of the Air India bombing inquiry, he is still best remembered as the man who was in charge when Ontario fell to its knees in the last great downturn.
For a party trying to fresh-face itself, he remains a disturbing optic from an experience people want to forget even as they now prepare to relive it.
dmartin@nationalpost.com
National Post
Bob Rae: Open to just some of the media [updated]
Thursday, November 20, 2008 at 11:45 AM
The Liberal Party leadership campaign opened with a spat between Bob Rae on one side, and Michael Ignatieff and the Ontario wing of the Liberal Party on the other, with Rae refusing to participate in a private Q&A session because the media was not invited to participate or even observe.
The Liberal Party must be open to the people, declared Bob Rae.
So when Bob Rae kicks of his high-tech Internet-savvy campaign today, he is making certain to be open to the online media.
Curiously though, only certain online media have been invited.
Bob Rae wants to be leader of the Liberal Party of Canada, even after having lost to Stephane Dion during the 2006 campaign. I can't imagine why anyone would want that job. It's like lusting after a cool car that has seen better days but is still in decent shape, letting Stephane Dion take it out for a test drive, and then watching in horror as Dion promptly drives the car into ditch, rolls it over a few times, and finally lands it under water. Dion comes out of the wreck, holds out the keys, and says to Rae and Michael Ignatieff, "Who's next?"
Like I said, it makes no sense, but Bob Rae wants the job regardless, and he's got a plan rooted firmly in the 21st century:
Mr. Rae plans a campaign that will be high-tech – with interactive websites that bring the campaign into people's homes – make heavy use of social marketing and new media, and aim to infuse the 60-year-old MP for Toronto Centre with a youthful and energetic image.
After meeting with the mainstream Ottawa media and making his formal statement, Mr. Rae will do a news conference by telephone for political bloggers across the country.
So I double-checked my emails, and guess what? I wasn't invited.
OK, so it sounds like I'm full of myself, and really, that's not it. I don't think I'm owed an invitation, nor do I think I have any right to demand one.
But it seems a bit incongruous for Bob Rae to have thrown a hissy fit when Michael Ignatieff and Ontario Liberals held a Q&A session for Liberals that was not open to the public:
Rae says he will not participate in the Toronto forum if it is not open to the media and says it should be cancelled if it can't be open. He accused Ignatieff of blocking that possibility but Ignatieff says the executive of the LPCO -- Liberal Party of Canada Ontario -- set the rules for the forum two weeks ago and he wants to honour them.
"It sends an awful signal to have a debate that is closed to the media, closed to Canadians," Rae said in a statement, noting that the Conservatives have made closed no-media sessions a hallmark of their conventions under Stephen Harper.
If that was such a terrible signal (and frankly, I think Bob Rae was wrong on the issue of the forum), then what sort of signal does it send if this conference call for political bloggers is equally a carefully controlled affair for the selected few?
Indeed, this is worse, as the whole point of blogging and social online media and so on is the democratization of information. Maybe Bob Rae is constrained by the number of connections available in his conference service, and there was no way to make the conference more open. I don't buy that theory, since online meeting services like the free online Skype IP-based phone system can handle up to 25 participants in conference mode, and the equally free Skypecasting add-on can handle up to 100 participants in a one-way conference. According to the CBC, there are 750 bloggers in Canada, and 20% of the traffic that goes to blogs is concentrated in the top ten blogs. Just ten. That's it.
Yeah, I'm one of those top ten blogs.
I'm curious to see how many bloggers are in this conference call, and how broad the political representation will be. I have my doubts that when push comes to shove, Bob Rae is really all that committed to being open to the media and open to Canadians. If this blogging conference call turns out to be Liberals-only love-in, then I think it would be fair to say that Bob Rae's rhetoric over the closed Liberal forum last week was more about trying to embarrass Michael Ignatieff than it was about principles of media accessibility and transparency.
Update: It seems to be intended to be a Liberals-only affair, though no special effort is being taken to keep anyone out. That's based on this email from Bob Rae forwarded to me from a third-party:
Dear Liberal blogger,
Tomorrow, I will be formally launching my campaign for the leadership of my party, and I would like to give you every open opportunity to ask me questions.
Very soon after my launch, I will be hosting a special conference call exclusively for bloggers, and I sincerely hope that you are able to attend.
I believe we need to open up the Liberal Party to as many Canadians as possible, and that we need to engage all of the ideas and talents that our Liberal members and our fellow Canadians have to offer us. I look forward to starting this open dialogue tomorrow with you.
It's an exciting time for our party, our country and our future. We're looking forward to a great campaign and to your active participation within it.
The call will be hosted by an Ottawa-based company called Calliflower. You can participate in the call as you would any normal conference call – there are call in numbers for cities across Canada, if yours is not there, feel free to call our toll free number:
[various phone numbers and the conference ID code]
Calliflower also allows for an enhanced web experience. I suggest clicking on the link at the end of this message to familiarize yourself with the system and to be close to your computer during tomorrow's call. If you have any questions, please feel free to email my campaign team at info@bobrae.ca.
All the best and I look forward to talking with you later today,
Bob
I've deleted the phone numbers, since if the intention is to host a semi-private affair, I don't think it's my job to undermine that.
But the salutation, "Liberal blogger", leaves little doubt that when it comes to media events, Bob Rae wants openness -- for his supporters.
Liberal battle lines drawn
Dion resigns, effective as soon as successor 'is duly chosen'; LeBlanc pulls out of race and backs Ignatieff; Rae digs in, saying he wants a contest not a coronation
BRIAN LAGHI and CAMPBELL CLARK
Globe and Mail Update
December 8, 2008 at 4:09 PM EST
Stéphane Dion announced his departure as Liberal Leader today, paving the way for Michael Ignatieff to take over as interim chief even as rival Bob Rae digs in his heels.
"As the Governor-General has granted a prorogation, it is a logical time for us Liberals to assess how we can best prepare our party to carry this fight forward," Mr. Dion said in his resignation letter.
"There is a sense in the party, and certainly in the caucus, that given these new circumstances the new leader needs to be in place before the House resumes. I agree. I recommend this course to my party and caucus. As always, I want to do what is best for my country and my party, especially when Canadians' jobs and pensions are at risk.
"So I have decided to step aside as Leader of the Liberal Party effective as soon as my successor is duly chosen."
Mr. Dion is under fire for the way in which he handled the formation of a coalition with the NDP and MPs have expressed deep concern about whether he is the individual to lead the party into a power-sharing agreement with Jack Layton's party.
Initially, he had announced his intention to step down in May, during the Liberal leadership convention. But the party pressed him to move up that decision.
Another contender, Dominic LeBlanc, withdrew from the race Monday and threw his support behind Mr. Ignatieff. "Michael can bring the Liberal Party together in a way that no other can, and he can bring the country together in a way that Stephen Harper has not," the New Brunswick MP said at a press conference in Ottawa.
Mr. Rae, meanwhile, is hanging tough. Speaking in Toronto, he said it is up to the party membership to decide who becomes the next leader and suggested an interim leader would have an unfair advantage in the race.
The former NDP premier of Ontario added that he prefers democratic contests to coronations.
Mr. Dion's decision to step down was greeted warmly by both the New Democrats and the BlocQuébécois.
NDP Leader Jack Layton issued a statement, saying he is looking forward to working with the next leader of the "Liberal-New Democrat coalition" on proposals for the economy.
"Mr. Dion and the entire Liberal caucus have shown courage and leadership by putting aside political differences with New Democrats to forge a majority coalition," Mr. Layton said. "They have made a commitment to the coalition to get the economy on the right track for Canadian families."
Bloc Leader Gilles Duceppe also issued a press release, praising Mr. Dion's willingness to put aside his own personal interests in order to allow the Liberals to choose a new leader.
"Our opinions have differed radically in many areas, particularly regarding the status of Quebec, but Stéphane Dion has always strived to serve the interests of the population in the best way possible, according to his convictions," Mr. Duceppe said.
"Change at the head of the LPC [liberal Party of Canada] does not change the Bloc Québécois' support for the coalition as long as the new leader respects the terms of this agreement."
On Sunday, Mr. Ignatieff launched a bulldozer charge at the leadership, campaigning for the party's parliamentary caucus to elect him immediately as an interim replacement for Mr. Dion.
Mr. Ignatieff's organizers said they had the support of at least 55 of the party's 77 MPs, including Mr. Dion's most vocal supporter, suburban Toronto MP Bryon Wilfert, and MP Maurizio Bevilacqua, who chaired the 2006 leadership campaign of Mr. Ignatieff's major opponent, Bob Rae.
In addition, Mr. LeBlanc flew to Toronto Sunday night to meet with Mr. Ignatieff.
The plan calls for Mr. Dion's resignation followed by a vote that would likely install Mr. Ignatieff at the helm as interim leader. At a second-stage process — almost certainly the leadership convention currently scheduled for May — the party either would confirm him as leader or turn to his only other declared opponent, Mr. Rae.
The party's caucus executive met Sunday night and agreed to recommend the two-stage selection process to the national party executive, which is to decide the issue on Tuesday.
Should the Ignatieff plan prevail, the proposed Liberal-NDP coalition could well be scuttled. Mr. Ignatieff was never an avid supporter of the coalition and had turned against it by Saturday, according to party insiders.
Support for the coalition from the caucus had also weakened.
Mr. Rae also wanted Mr. Dion to resign sooner rather than later, but he was strongly opposed to the Wednesday caucus vote. He has proposed a one-member, one-vote combination of telephone and online balloting to be held in January.
But time seems to have run short.
Mr. LeBlanc has told friends he thinks it is "totally untenable" and "irresponsible" for a decision on the next Liberal leader to wait until a May convention.
Another confirmed Ignatieff supporter urging a swifter change of leader was Mr. Bevilacqua, the Vaughan MP who co-chaired the Rae leadership campaign in 2006 and is a former junior finance minister and former chairman of the influential Commons finance committee.
Mr. Bevilacqua said in an interview that having worked with Mr. Ignatieff last spring on the immigration platform for the party, he believes that Mr. Ignatieff "understands what needs to be done to get Canada back on track" and the "right person to lead the Liberal Party during these difficult and challenging economic times."
There is nervousness among Ontario Liberals, Mr. Bevilacqua said, that Mr. Rae's tenure as the province's NDP premier during a difficult economic period would hurt the party now if he became leader.
Two party sources said well-known Liberal and former Paul Martin adviser Mike Robinson has left the Rae camp over disagreements with Mr. Rae's embracing of the coalition. Mr. Robinson could not be reached for comment on Sunday.
Richmond Hill MP Bryon Wilfert, who has been a staunch supporter of Mr. Dion, said he informed Mr. Ignatieff he would support the leadership candidate one month ago.
"Both of us agreed not to say so publicly given my close relationship with Mr. Dion. The situation was very difficult," Mr. Wilfert said in an interview. His decision to go public with his support Sunday came after he got word Mr. Dion is planning to announce he will step down this week.
"I am deeply saddened that it's come to this point. In this business loyalty is a short commodity…" Mr. Wilfert said. "I obviously believe if he is to step down it's going to have to be a permanent individual that will be taking the realm."
Just a week ago, the three leadership candidates and Liberal MPs were united behind Mr. Dion, who negotiated a Liberal-NDP coalition, backed by the Bloc Québécois, to replace the Conservative government.
But a botched television address and negative opinion polls on the coalition doomed Mr. Dion's hopes of staying in place until the leadership convention planned for Vancouver in early May.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper avoided a confidence vote by shutting down Parliament last Thursday, and promised to introduce a budget as soon as the House comes back at the end of next month.
A growing number of Liberals want Mr. Dion to be replaced by then.
Mr. Ignatieff and Mr. Rae both hit the airwaves on Sunday and called for an accelerated leadership process. Liberal sources said that Mr. Rae could support a system in which every Liberal member votes for the new leader next month, while the Ignatieff camp has contemplated a selection process involving the party hierarchy.
While there is no consensus on the mechanics, all camps agreed that Mr. Dion must leave as soon as possible.
Among the latest was former minister and Liberal heavyweight John Manley, who called on the weekend for Mr. Dion to step down.
"Confronted by a political crisis that was not of his making, Mr. Dion became an obstacle to his party, and to the opposition, in dealing with it. His weakness probably fuelled the Conservative hubris that led to this fiasco in the first place," Mr. Manley wrote in The Globe and Mail.
Mr. Manley argued it was "delusional at best" to believe that the public would have want the recently defeated Mr. Dion as coalition prime minister.
With reports from Michael Valpy in Toronto and Daniel Leblanc, Jane Taber and Bill Curry in Ottawa and The Canadian Press
... that will mean that Harper will need to give, Give GIVE to Québec to buy their votes.
SourceCoalition games could start when counting votes ends
Minority outcome would open door to grand bargain between Liberals, NDP, Bloc
October 13, 2008
Rosemary Speirs
What must Bob Rae be thinking today as he contemplates the ironies of his own personal history – and the possibility of yet another opportunity to topple a minority Conservative government?
On Dec. 14, 1979, Rae was the young New Democrat MP who rose in Parliament to move the motion that toppled the short-lived majority government of Joe Clark.
On June 18, 1985, now leader of the Ontario New Democrats, he paired with Liberal David Peterson in the vote of confidence that brought down Progressive Conservative leader Frank Miller and ended 42 years of Tory rule in the province.
That first Rae motion in 1979 resulted in an election and Pierre Trudeau returned for a third term. Rae and other New Democrats remembered bitterly his second term when then NDP leader David Lewis supported Trudeau's minority government of 1972-74 in exchange for progressive measures for which the third party got no credit, and Trudeau did.
By the time of the 1985 Tory toppling, Rae was determined to be more than a footnote in history: He agreed to support Peterson as premier only after the Liberals signed a two-year pact not to call an election, while passing an agreed-upon list of mutually acceptable reforms. The famous "accord" made Peterson premier but it also garnered a popularity for Rae's New Democrats that put him in the premier's office in 1990.
Now white-haired, a convert to Liberalism, a former rival for the leadership won by Stéphane Dion, Rae could yet play a key part in the aftermath of tomorrow's election, one all the polls say will deliver Canadians their third minority government in a row.
Will Rae then counsel Dion to consider the advantages of an Ontario-style accord with Jack Layton's New Democrats and Gilles Duceppe's Bloc Québécois? It would give Dion a stable and productive period in which to show voters his substance.
But, first a dose of realism: In 1985, the Ontario Liberals won slightly more of the popular vote than Miller's Conservatives, which gave them a moral right to seek a way to govern.
This federal election is different: Unless there was an unforeseen Liberal or NDP surge on the weekend, Prime Minister Stephen Harper is likely to emerge with more MPs, and a higher popular vote. His minority position will be precarious, but by all precedent he will have the right to attempt to govern – again by deploying the threat of an immediate election to bring the opposition hounds to bay.
Still, the media is speculating about possible coalitions or more informal opposition alliances to drag Harper down.
Harper will be weakened by internal party criticism of his decision to seek a majority by calling an early election. He may be too busy fighting internecine wars to produce a throne speech that convinces Canadians he has the answers.
If the economy continues to slide, an opposition coalition based on some guarantee of stability could possibly look very attractive to worried Canadians. The Liberals, New Democrats and Bloc have burning issues to address together: climate change, the war in Afghanistan, restoring arts funding, and strengthening of social supports in times of trouble.
In Ontario, the activist government dictated by the agreed-upon agenda in the accord proved broadly popular. Negotiated between the two parties out of common planks in their election platforms – a ban on doctors' extra-billing, equal pay for work of equal value, 10,000 social housing starts, a spills bill for polluters – the accord was impervious to the powerful doctor and business lobbies. It had been signed: Peterson could not waver.
It is difficult to see how, based on platforms and ideologies, Harper could attract a stable governing partner. It is easier to imagine the Liberals, NDP and Bloc agreeing on a common action plan.
Interestingly, Duceppe recently swallowed his spleen about Dion, the architect of the Clarity Act, and observed he might be willing to enter into an agreement with the Liberals on some issues, such as the environment – in Quebec's interests, of course. Duceppe has no doubt already ruled out a coalition (sharing cabinet seats) with a federalist party, but he might see merit in an Ontario-style accord.
Following a defeat of Harper's government in the Commons, the opposition parties could offer written proofs to Governor General Michaëlle Jean that they have a stable agreement to support Dion as prime minister for a certain period (it was two years in Ontario) in return for swift government action on their common agenda.
Could such history repeat itself? First of all, there is no guarantee that Jean will agree to name Dion prime minister. Indeed, there was initially some doubt in 1985 that then lieutenant-governor John Aird would accede to the pitch from Peterson and Rae.
Secondly, while Peterson, like Dion, had been viewed as a long-haired geek, his handlers groomed and transformed him for the 1985 election. Peterson looked like a leader: Dion has a way to go. Peterson was careful to be respectful and modest after the election, never gloating. His attitude helped his rival Rae to persuade the angry militants in his party to put aside long rivalries. Besides, Rae and Peterson had a certain friendly affinity.
Layton and Dion have expressed a mutual respect and liking. But in the final days of the campaign, Dion has urged NDP voters to switch to the Liberals to stop Harper. This appeal to strategic voting maddens the New Democrats, and creates bad blood. Certainly Rae, the defector, will not be a welcome emissary. So it would be tricky – particularly with three prickly partners instead of the two in the Ontario experiment.
But it is a tried-and-true way to offer election-weary Canadians a period of stability, and a common agenda put together out of the platforms for which most of the electorate voted.
Rosemary Speirs is a former Queen's Park and Ottawa columnist for the Star and author of Out of the Blue, the definitive book on the 1985 Ontario election and ensuing events.
Kirkhill said:Bob's coalition all along?
Bob and Jack and Gilles and Socialist International.
And no, I don't wear a tinfoil hat
dapaterson said:...
So the question: Will Ignatieff be the Kim Campbell of the Grits, plumbing new depths, or the Jean Charest, making slight progress but still leaving behind only a rump of a party to be taken over in a merger?
Hooped
December 7th, 2008 | Tags: Canadian Politics, Liberals
It means if you’re a Liberal looking to escape from the coalition — and virtual extinction at the next election — Iggy’s not your boy. He is implicated up to his ears, only without even the virtue of conviction. When the Tories come to remind voters, as they will, who tried to “steal” the election, who was “in bed with the separatists,” who would have let Jack Layton loose in the cabinet, they will make Iggy wear it just as surely as they would Rae or Dion. andrew coyne
As predicted the “Coalition” has become unstuck and now is beginning to work its magic on the Liberal Party. Dion is to be gone by Christmas. His leadership is done. But as Coyne points out, Iggy never directly said the Coalition was a bad idea. So when the election comes the CPC will be perfectly able to tar him with the Coalition brush.
This really is working out better than Harper had any right to expect.
Libloggers Mad About The Iggy Process: The Second Batch
The Scott Ross:
Stephane Dion should not have been forced to resign. Michael Ignatieff and Bob Rae should never have been candidates for interim leader. The National Executive should never have allowed them to be. And throughout all of this, the Liberal caucus should not have selfishly thought of only what was best for them, but instead should have thought of what was best for the party.
In indirectly violating our right as members to select our leader, the Liberal National Executive and the Liberal caucus ignored the importance on which their very existence is predicated upon, the importance of us, Liberals.
Arnone & Co.:
We are in disarray. The past 48 hours have ended yet another bizarre chapter in the history of the Liberal Party of Canada. . . .
The photo op. Gerard and Rae. A well intended gesture meant to neutralize Leblanc’s move to Ignatieff perhaps? We may never know. But what we do know is that in making that move, Mr. Kennedy has secured himself a place in the “Backing The Wrong Horse Hall of Fame of Canada”.
Calgary Grit:
Does anyone out there think that having zero debates and no real substantive debate on the issues or the future of the party will wind up being a good thing for the long term health of the Liberal Party?
Savor these quotations, Blogging Tories. The more we remind people of how disappointed rank-and-file Liberals were about how Iggy got his promotion, the harder it will be for these same Liberals to promote the idea of an unelected coalition being a viable option.